Brexit has denied Denmark a regular ally in EU negotiations. Copenhagen can find new friends – but it should start the hard yards now.
The sheer magnitude of the crisis and the way in which it exposes existing fault lines – particularly the shocking levels of inequality in many societies – are making political mobilisation more likely.
The US long ago took umbrage at the – unlikely – prospect that the ICC could prosecute Americans. The consequences of this stance are now revealing themselves.
- Since the onset of the covid-19 crisis, there has been a new convergence of EU member states’ assessment of the challenges China poses to Europe.
- The Sino-European economic relationship lacks reciprocity, and there are mounting concerns within the EU about China’s assertive approach abroad, as well as its breaches of international legal commitments and massive violations of human rights in Hong Kong and Xinjiang.
- Overall, there is growing scepticism about the future trajectory of the relationship, which provides an opportunity for a more robust and coherent EU policy on China.
- In its remaining months, the German Council presidency could use this momentum to create institutional structures to improve the EU’s capacity to act.
- In doing so, it will be crucial to ease concerns about Franco-German dominance of the China agenda – especially those of eastern and southern European countries – while enabling all member states to become more engaged in shaping the EU’s future approach to China.
However uncertain the road ahead, these protests show how authoritarianism ultimately subverts itself.
After a humiliating defeat at the UN Security Council, Washington will seek snapback sanctions to sabotage what is left of the nuclear deal. Britain, France, and Germany can still keep it alive until after the US election.
Ellie Geranmayeh, Elisa Catalano Ewers
Europeans are largely supportive of stricter border controls – but this may be more down to the huge impact of the pandemic than to the influence of populist parties.